如果你也在 怎样代写geography这个学科遇到相关的难题，请随时右上角联系我们的24/7代写客服。geography是一个科学领域，致力于研究地球和行星的土地、特征、居民和现象。第一个使用γεωγραφία这个词的人是埃拉托色尼（公元前276-194年）。地理学是一门包罗万象的学科，它寻求对地球及其人类和自然的复杂性的理解–不仅仅是物体在哪里，还包括它们是如何变化和形成的。
geography通常被定义为两个分支：人文地理学和自然地理学。人文地理学关注的是对人及其社区、文化、经济的研究，以及通过研究他们与空间和地点的关系，与环境的相互作用。自然地理学关注的是对自然环境中的过程和模式的研究，如大气圈、水圈、生物圈和地圈。
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非线性方法 nonlinear method functional analysis
变分法 Calculus of Variations
地理代写|geography代考|Historical and Current Trends
The United States is widely thought of as a country of immigrants. While the majority of the signers of the Declaration of Independence were native-born Americans, eight (of 56 signers) were immigrants. As outlined in detail in Abramitzky and Boustan (2017) the long-term view of immigration into the United States is composed of three parts: the “age of mass migration from Europe” $(1850-1920)$, a lull of immigration from the Great Depression till the 1950 s, and the recent period of upward trends with immigration from Latin America and Asia (Fig. 5.1). Between 1820 and 2016 the average inflow of legal permanent residents as a share of US population was $0.45 \%$ with a peak of $1.6 \%$ in 1850 . Since the end of WWII, however, the average annual share is $0.25 \%$.
Prior to the early twentieth century there was little, if any, national immigration policy. Most federally enacted laws focused on outlining the requirements to become a nationalized citizen or narrowly focused such as the Page Act of 1875 that banned criminals and prostitutes from entering the country or the Immigration Act of 1891 that created the Bureau of Immigration. There were a number of federal statutes imposed that specifically targeted the immigration of Chinese laborers such as the Page Act (1875), the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, and the Geary Act (1892). As suggested by Abramitzky and Boustan (2017) there is little doubt that these narrowly targeted immigration policies were racially motivated (Fig. 5.2).
地理代写|geography代考|Patterns of Foreign-Born and Community Well-Being
The vast literature seeking to better understand the impact of immigrants on receiving nations, regions or communities can be broken into four broad categories: (1) what are the characteristics of those who migrants to a new county, (2) the assimilation of the immigrant to the receiving community, (3) the impact of immigrants on native workers and the overall economy, and (4) the impact on public financing. For example, how many generations does it take for immigrants to realize the “American Dream” or are immigrants drawn to the United States to take advantage of the public support programs that are offered thus placing a strain on government financing? Do higher concentrations of immigrants place upward pressure on crime rates or strain public health services due to poor health? Perhaps the most studied question is if a higher concentration of foreign born place downward pressure on wages and take employment opportunities away from native workers. More specifically, does an influx of low education immigrants place downward pressure on the wages of low-skill, low-education occupations for all (including natives)? Given a neoclassical supply-demand framework for inexpensive labor, as the supply of labor goes up do wages trend downward for all workers including natives?
As argued by Bratsberg et al. (2002) as well as Abramitzky and Boustan (2017) a major challenge of this literature is that immigrants are extremely heterogeneous: some are highly educated and immigrating on a work priority visa (e.g., engineers, Ph.D.-level researchers, management executives, etc.) while others are entering the United States as refugees who may or may not have high levels of education, some speak English well, others do not, some are immigrating to live with families already in the United States and others have no immediate relatives to help with the transition. Much of the literature seeking to better understand who is immigrating to the United States is looking to gain insights into these types of questions. These differences play a significant role in helping understand the central question of this chapter, specifically how the concentration of immigrants impacts the well-being of the receiving community.
地理代写|GEOGRAPHY代考|Immigrants and Community Entrepreneurship
Entrepreneurship has been shown to be vital to economic growth and development (Audretsch and Keilbach 2004; Van Stel et al. 2005; Audretsch et al. 2006; Acs et al. 2012; Lecuna et al. 2017). Building on the earlier work of Birch $(1979,1981,1987)$ Haltiwanger et al. (2013), as well as Conroy and Deller (2015), find that without the creation of new businesses, or entrepreneurship, the economy would stagnate and decline. At the same time, it has been widely demonstrated in the economics, management, and sociology literature that immigrants tend to have higher rates of self-employment, the simplest form of entrepreneurship, than natives (Aliaga-Isla and Rialp 2013; Li et al. 2017; Razin and Langlois 1996). Bird and Wennberg (2016) and Razin and Langlois (1992) find that this higher rate of self-employment among immigrants in geographic areas with higher concentration of immigrants suggesting a self-reinforcing mechanism. These higher concentrations of immigrants provide for networking and access to resources necessary to start and build a business. One could think of this as strong bonding social capital within the immigrant community that facilitates entrepreneurial activity.
This link between immigrants and business start-up and self-employment activity is important to understand the broader effects immigrants have on the larger community in which they locate. If immigrants tend to be more entrepreneurial than natives and entrepreneurship at all levels (entrepreneurs of necessity, opportunity, or Schumpeterian) is vital to economic growth and development, then communities wishing to foster economic growth and development should be embracing immigrants.
There is a line of research within the broader immigration and entrepreneurship literature that maintains that there is wide heterogeneity across immigrant entrepreneurs. Strömblad (2016) notes that higher self-employment among immigrants might be more out of necessity than choice (e.g., entrepreneurship of opportunity or Schumpeterian) because wage and salary employment may be more difficult to obtain (Chaganti et al. 2008; Li 2001). While Bird and Wennberg (2016), Sanders and Nee (1996) as well as Portes (1995) argue that initially being self-employed can help immigrants become more integrated into the local community and economy and opening up wage and salary employment opportunities, it is not readily clear if these “entrepreneurs of necessity” have the type of impact on regional economic growth and development as other types of entrepreneurs, particularly Schumpeterian entrepreneurs.
geography代写
地理代写|GEOGRAPHY代考|HISTORICAL AND CURRENT TRENDS
美国被广泛认为是一个移民国家。虽然《独立宣言》的大多数签署者是土生土长的美国人，但有 8这F56s一世Gn和rs是移民。正如 Abramitzky 和 Boustan 中详细概述的那样2017移民美国的长远观点由三个部分组成：“欧洲大规模移民时代”(1850−1920)，从大萧条到 1950 年代的移民平静期，以及近期拉丁美洲和亚洲移民的上升趋势F一世G.5.1. 1820 年至 2016 年间，合法永久居民的平均流入量占美国人口的比例为0.45%有一个高峰1.6%1850 年。然而，自二战结束以来，年均份额为0.25%.
在 20 世纪初之前，几乎没有国家移民政策（如果有的话）。大多数联邦颁布的法律都侧重于概述成为国有化公民的要求或范围狭窄，例如禁止罪犯和妓女进入该国的 1875 年《佩奇法》或创建移民局的 1891 年《移民法》。颁布了许多专门针对中国劳工移民的联邦法规，例如《佩奇法案》1875、1882 年的排华法案和盖里法案1892. 正如 Abramitzky 和 Boustan 所建议的那样2017毫无疑问，这些目标狭隘的移民政策是出于种族动机F一世G.5.2.
地理代写|GEOGRAPHY代考|PATTERNS OF FOREIGN-BORN AND COMMUNITY WELL-BEING
寻求更好地了解移民对接收国、地区或社区的影响的大量文献可分为四大类：1移民到新县城的人有什么特点，2移民融入接收社区，3移民对本地工人和整体经济的影响，以及4对公共融资的影响。例如，移民需要几代人才能实现“美国梦”，或者移民被吸引到美国是为了利用提供的公共支持计划，从而给政府融资带来压力？更高的移民集中度是否会因健康状况不佳而对犯罪率造成上行压力或使公共卫生服务紧张？也许研究得最多的问题是，外国出生的高度集中是否会给工资带来下行压力，并剥夺本地工人的就业机会。更具体地说，低教育移民的涌入是否会对所有人的低技能、低教育职业的工资造成下行压力？一世nCl在d一世nGn一种吨一世在和s? 给定廉价劳动力的新古典供需框架，随着劳动力供应的增加，包括本地人在内的所有工人的工资是否呈下降趋势？
正如 Bratsberg 等人所论证的那样。2002以及阿布拉米茨基和布斯坦2017这类文献的一个主要挑战是移民的异质性极强：一些人受过高等教育并持工作优先签证移民和.G.,和nG一世n和和rs,磷H.D.−l和在和lr和s和一种rCH和rs,米一种n一种G和米和n吨和X和C在吨一世在和s,和吨C.当其他人作为难民进入美国时，他们可能受过高等教育，也可能没有受过高等教育，有些人英语说得很好，有些人则没有，有些人正在移民到已经在美国的家庭生活，有些人没有直系亲属可以帮助过渡。许多试图更好地了解谁正在移民美国的文献都希望深入了解这些类型的问题。这些差异在帮助理解本章的中心问题方面发挥了重要作用，特别是移民的集中如何影响接收社区的福祉。
地理代写|GEOGRAPHY代考|IMMIGRANTS AND COMMUNITY ENTREPRENEURSHIP
企业家精神已被证明对经济增长和发展至关重要一种在dr和吨sCH一种ndķ和一世lb一种CH2004;在一种n小号吨和l和吨一种l.2005;一种在dr和吨sCH和吨一种l.2006;一种Cs和吨一种l.2012;大号和C在n一种和吨一种l.2017. 以 Birch 的早期工作为基础(1979,1981,1987)Haltiwanger 等人。2013，以及康罗伊和戴勒2015，发现如果没有新企业或企业家精神的创造，经济就会停滞不前。与此同时，经济学、管理学和社会学文献已广泛证明，移民往往比本地人拥有更高的自雇率，这是最简单的创业形式一种l一世一种G一种−一世sl一种一种ndR一世一种lp2013;大号一世和吨一种l.2017;R一种和一世n一种nd大号一种nGl这一世s1996. 伯德和温伯格2016还有拉津和朗格洛瓦1992发现在移民集中度较高的地理区域，移民中的自雇率较高，这表明存在自我强化机制。这些更高的移民集中度提供了建立和建立企业所需的网络和资源。人们可以将其视为移民社区内促进创业活动的强大社会资本。
移民与创业和自营职业活动之间的这种联系对于了解移民对他们所在的更大社区的更广泛影响非常重要。如果移民往往比本地人和各级企业家更具创业精神和n吨r和pr和n和在rs这Fn和C和ss一世吨是,这pp这r吨在n一世吨是,这r小号CH在米p和吨和r一世一种n对经济增长和发展至关重要，那么希望促进经济增长和发展的社区应该接受移民。
在更广泛的移民和创业文献中有一系列研究认为，移民企业家之间存在广泛的异质性。斯特朗布拉德2016指出移民中较高的自营职业可能更多是出于必要而不是选择和.G.,和n吨r和pr和n和在rsH一世p这F这pp这r吨在n一世吨是这r小号CH在米p和吨和r一世一种n因为工资和薪水的工作可能更难获得CH一种G一种n吨一世和吨一种l.2008;大号一世2001. 而伯德和温伯格2016, 桑德斯和倪1996以及波特斯1995认为最初自营职业可以帮助移民更加融入当地社区和经济并开放工资和薪水就业机会，目前尚不清楚这些“必要的企业家”是否对区域经济增长和与其他类型的企业家，尤其是熊彼特式的企业家一样发展。
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